Hadza
people
The Hadza, or Hadzabe, are
an indigenous ethnic group in north-central Tanzania, living around Lake Eyasi in the central Rift Valley and in the neighboring Serengeti Plateau. There are, as of 2015,
between 1,200 and 1,300 Hadza people living in Tanzania, however only around
300 Hadza still survive exclusively based on the traditional means of
foraging. Additionally, the increasing impact of tourism and
encroaching pastoralists pose serious threats to the continuation of their
traditional way of life.
Genetically, the Hadza are not closely
related to any other people. While traditionally classified with the Khoisan languages, primarily because it
has clicks,
the Hadza language (Hadzane),
appears to be an isolate,
unrelated to any other. Hadzane is an entirely oral language, but it is
not predicted to be in danger of extinction. Hadzane is also considered the
most important factor of distinguishing who is and is not actually a part of
the Hadza people.[9] In more recent years, many of
the Hadza have learned Swahili as a second language, which is the national
language of Tanzania.
As descendants of Tanzania's aboriginal
hunter-gatherer population, they have probably occupied their current territory
for thousands of years, with relatively little modification to their basic way
of life until the past hundred years.
Since the 18th century, the Hadza have come
into increasing contact with farming and herding people entering Hadzaland and
its vicinity; the interactions were often hostile and caused population
decline in the late 19th century. The first European contact and written
accounts of the Hadza are from the late 19th century. Since then, there
have been many attempts by successive colonial administrations, the independent
Tanzanian government, and foreign missionaries to settle the Hadza, by
introducing farming and Christianity. These efforts have largely failed, and
many Hadza still pursue virtually the same way of life as their ancestors are
described as having in early 20th-century accounts. In recent years, they
have been under pressure from neighbouring groups encroaching on their land,
and also have been affected by tourism and safari hunting.
Oral
tradition
The Hadza's oral history of their own past is divided
into four epochs, each inhabited by a different culture. According to this
tradition, in the beginning of time, the world was inhabited by hairy giants
called the Akakaanebe or Gelanebe,
"ancestors". The Akakaanebe did not possess tools or fire; they
hunted game by staring at it and it fell dead; they ate the meat raw. They did
not build houses but slept under trees, as the Hadza do today in the dry
season. In older versions of this story, fire was not used because it was
physically impossible in the earth's primeval state, while younger Hadza, who
have been to school, say that the Akakaanebe simply did not know how.
In the second epoch, the Akakaanebe were
succeeded by the Tlaatlanebe, equally gigantic but without hair.
Fire could be made and used to cook meat, but animals had grown more wary of
humans and had to be chased and hunted with dogs. The Tlaatlanebe were the
first people to use medicines and charms to protect themselves from enemies and
initiated the epeme rite. They lived in caves.
The third epoch was inhabited by the Hamakwabe "nowadays",
who were smaller than their predecessors. They invented bows and arrows, and
containers for cooking, and mastered the use of fire. They also built houses
like those of Hadza today. The Hamakwabe were the first of the Hadza's
ancestors to have contact with non-foraging people, with whom they traded for
iron to make knives and arrowheads. The Hamakwabe also invented the gambling
game lukuchuko.
The fourth epoch continues today and is
inhabited by the Hamaishonebe, "modern". When discussing
the Hamaishonebe epoch, people often mention specific names and places, and can
approximately say how many generations ago events occurred.
Archaeology
and genetic history
The Hadza are not closely related to any
other people. The Hadza language was
once classified with the Khoisan languages because it has clicks; however, since there is no evidence
they are related, Hadza is now considered an isolate. Genetically, the Hadza do not
appear to be particularly closely related to Khoisan speakers: even the Sandawe, who live just 150 kilometres
(93 mi) away, diverged from the Hadza more than 15,000 years ago. Genetic
testing also suggests significant admixture has occurred between the Hadza
and Bantu, while minor
admixture with the Nilotic and Cushitic-speaking populations
has occurred in the last few thousand years. Today, a few Hadza women
marry into neighbouring groups such as the Bantu Isanzu and the Nilotic Datoga, but these marriages often fail and the
woman and her children return to the Hadza. In previous decades, rape or
capture of Hadza women by outsiders seems to have been common. During a famine
in 1918–20 some Hadza men were reported as taking Isanzu wives.
The Hadza's ancestors have probably lived
in their current territory for tens of thousands of years. Hadzaland is just 50
kilometres (31 mi) from Olduvai Gorge, an area sometimes called the
"Cradle of Mankind" because of the number of hominin fossils found there, and 40 kilometres
(25 mi) from the prehistoric site of Laetoli. Archaeological evidence suggests that
the area has been continuously occupied by hunter gatherers much like the Hadza
since at least the beginning of the Later Stone Age, 50,000 years ago. Although
the Hadza do not make rock art today,
they consider several rock art sites within their territory, probably at least
2,000 years old, to have been created by their ancestors, and their oral history does not suggest they moved
to Hadzaland from elsewhere.
In the Hadza population is dominated
by haplogroup B2-M112 (Y-DNA).
There are also Y-haplogroups E1b1a and E1b1b.
Precolonial
period
Until about 500 BCE, Tanzania was
exclusively occupied by hunter-gatherers akin to the Hadza. The first
agriculturalists to enter the region were Cushitic-speaking
cattle herders from the Horn of Africa. Around 500 CE the Bantu expansion reached Tanzania,
bringing populations of farmers with iron tools and weapons. The last major
ethnic group to enter the region were Nilotic pastoralists who migrated south
from Sudan in the 18th century. Each of these expansions of farming and
herding peoples displaced earlier populations of hunter-gatherers, who would
have generally been at a demographic and technological disadvantage, and
vulnerable to the loss of environment resources (i.e., foraging areas and
habitats for game) as a result of the spread of farmland and
pastures. Therefore, groups such as the Hadza and the Sandawe are remnants of indigenous
hunter-gatherer populations that were once much more widespread, and are under
pressure from the continued expansion of agriculture into areas which they have
traditionally occupied.
Farmers and herders appeared in the
vicinity of Hadzaland relatively recently. The pastoralist Iraqw and Datoga were both forced to migrate into
the area by the expansion of the Maasai, the former in the 19th century and the
latter in the 1910s. The Isanzu, a Bantu farming people, began living
just south of Hadzaland around 1850. The Hadza also have contact with the
Maasai and the Sukuma west
of Lake Eyasi. The Hadza's interaction with many of these peoples has been
hostile. In particular, the upheavals caused by the Maasai expansion in the
late 19th century caused a decline in the Hadza population. Pastoralists often
killed Hadza as reprisals for the "theft" of livestock, since the
Hadza did not have the notion of animal ownership, and would hunt them as they
would wild game.
The Isanzu were also hostile to the Hadza
at times, and may have captured them for the slave trade until
as late as the 1870s (when it was halted by the German colonial government).
Later interaction was more peaceable, with the two peoples sometimes
intermarrying and residing together, though as late as 1912, the Hadza are
reported as being "ready for war" with the Isanzu. The Sukuma and the
Hadza also had a more amiable relationship; the Sukuma drove their herds and
salt caravans through Hadza lands, and exchanged old metal tools, which the
Hadza made into arrowheads, for the right to hunt elephants in Hadzaland. The general
attitude of neighbouring agro-pastoralists towards the Hadza was prejudicial; they
viewed them as backwards, not possessing a "real language", and made
up of the dispossessed of neighbouring tribes that had fled into the forest out
of poverty or because they committed a crime. Many of these misconceptions were
transmitted to early colonial visitors to the region who wrote about the Hadza.
20th
century
The Hadza's way of life
is highly conservative. Huts have been built in this style for as long as
records have been kept.
In the late 19th century, European powers
claimed much of the African continent as colonies, a period known as the Scramble for Africa.
The Hadza became part of German East Africa,
though at the time the colony was proclaimed there is no evidence that
Hadzaland had ever been visited by Europeans. The earliest mention of the Hadza
in a written account is in German explorer Oscar Baumann's Durch Massailand zur
Nilquelle (1894). The Hadza hid from Baumann and other early
explorers, and their descriptions are based on second hand accounts.
The first Europeans to report actually
meeting the Hadza are Otto Dempwolff and Erich Obst. The latter lived with them for
eight weeks in 1911. German Tanganyika came under British control at
the end of the First World War (1917),
and soon after the Hadza were written about by British colonial officer F. J.
Bagshawe. The accounts of these early European visitors portray the Hadza at
the beginning of the 20th century as living in much the same way as they do
today. Early on Obst noted a distinction between the 'pure' Hadza (that is,
those subsisting purely by hunting and gathering) and those that lived with the
Isanzu and practised some cultivation.
The foraging Hadza exploited the same foods
using many of the same techniques they do today, though game was more plentiful
because farmers had not yet begun directly encroaching on their lands. Some
early reports describe the Hadza as having chiefs or big men,
but they were probably mistaken; more reliable accounts portray early 20th
century Hadza as egalitarian, as they
are today. They also lived in similarly sized camps, used the same tools,
built houses in the same style and had similar religious beliefs.
The British colonial government tried to
make the Hadza settle down and adopt farming in 1927, the first of many
government attempts to settle them. The British tried again in 1939, as did the
independent Tanzanian government in 1965 and 1990, and various foreign missionary groups since the 1960s.
Although many attempts were forceful, they by and large failed; generally the
Hadza willingly settle and take advantage of provided food, but leave and
return to foraging when the food runs out; few have adopted farming. Another
problem is disease because their communities are sparse and isolated, few Hadza
are immune to common infectious diseases such
as measles, which thrive in sedentary
communities, and several settlement attempts ended with outbreaks of illness
resulting in many deaths, particularly of children.
Of the four villages built for the Hadza
since 1965, two (Yaeda Chini and Munguli) are now inhabited by the Isanzu,
Iraqw and Datoga. Another, Mongo wa Mono, established in 1988, is sporadically
occupied by Hadza groups who stay there for a few months at a time, either
farming, foraging or taking advantage of food given to them by missionaries. At
the fourth village, Endamagha (also known as Mwonyembe), the school is attended
by Hadza children, but they account for just a third of the students there.
Numerous attempts to convert the Hadza to Christianity have also been largely
unsuccessful.
Tanzanian farmers began moving into the
Mangola area to grow onions in the 1940s, but came in small numbers until the
1960s. The first German plantation in Hadzaland was established in 1928, and
later three European families have settled in the area. Since the 1960s, the
Hadza have been visited regularly by anthropologists, linguists, geneticists and other researchers.
Present
In recent years, the Hadza's territory has
seen increasing encroachment from neighbouring peoples. The western Hadza lands
are on a private hunting reserve, and the Hadza are officially restricted to a
reservation within the reserve and prohibited from hunting there. The Yaeda Valley, long uninhabited due to
the tsetse fly, is now occupied by Datooga herders; the Datooga are clearing
the Hadza lands on either side of the now fully settled valley for pasture for
their goats and cattle. They hunt out the game, and the clearing destroys the
berries, tubers, and honey that the Hadza rely on, and watering holes for their
cattle cause the shallow watering holes the Hadza rely on to dry up. Most
Hadzabe are no longer able to sustain themselves in the bush without supplementary
food such as ugali.
After documentaries on the Hadza on PBS and
the BBC in 2001, the Mang'ola Hadza have
become a tourist attraction. Although on the surface this may appear to help
the Hadzabe, much of the money from tourism is allocated by government offices
and tourism companies rather than going to the Hadzabe. Money given directly to
Hadzabe also contributes to alcoholism and deaths from alcohol poisoning have recently become a
severe problem, further contributing to the loss of cultural knowledge.
In 2007, the local government controlling
the Hadza lands adjacent to the Yaeda Valley leased the entire 6,500
square kilometres (2,500 sq mi) of land to the Al Nahyan royal family of the United Arab Emirates for
use as a "personal safari playground". Both the Hadza and
Datooga were evicted, with some Hadza resisters imprisoned. However, after
protests from the Hadza and negative coverage in the international press, the
deal was rescinded.
Range
Range of the Hadza people
(dark grey) in Tanzania
Serengeti hunting grounds in Hadzaland.
There are four traditional areas of Hadza
dry-season habitation: West of the southern end of Lake Eyasi (Dunduhina),
between Lake Eyasi and the Yaeda Valley swamp to the east (Tlhiika),
east of the Yaeda Valley in the Mbulu Highlands (Siponga), and
north of the valley around the town of Mang'ola (Mangola). During the wet
season the Hadza camp outside and between these areas, and readily travel
between them during the dry season as well. Access to and from the western area
is by crossing the southern end of the lake, which is the first part to dry up,
or by following the escarpment of the Serengeti Plateau around the northern
shore. The Yaeda Valley is easily crossed, and the areas on either side about
the hills south of Mang'ola.
The Hadza have traditionally foraged outside
these areas, in the Yaeda Valley, on the slopes of Mount Oldeani north of Mang'ola, and up onto
the Serengeti Plains. Such foraging is done for hunting, berry collecting, and
for honey. Although hunting is illegal in the Serengeti, the Tanzanian
authorities recognize that the Hadza are a special case and do not enforce the
regulations with them, just as the Hadza are the only people in Tanzania not
taxed locally or by the national government.
Social structure
Hadza smoking cannabis
The Hadza are organized into bands, called 'camps' in the literature, of
typically 20–30 people, though camps of over a hundred may form during berry
season. There is no tribal or other governing hierarchy, and almost all
decisions are made by reaching an agreement through discussion. Furthermore, the
Hadza are egalitarian, meaning there are no real status differences between
individuals. While males and the elderly receive slightly more respect, within
groups of age and sex all individuals are equal, and compared to strictly
stratified societies, women are considered fairly equal. This egalitarianism
results in high levels of freedom and self-dependency. When conflict does
arise, it may be resolved by one of the parties voluntarily moving to another
camp. Ernst Fehr and Urs Fischbacher point out that the Hadza people “exhibit a
considerable amount of altruistic punishment”
to organize these tribes. The Hadza live in a communal setting and engage
in cooperative child rearing, where many individuals (both related and
unrelated) provide high quality care for children.
The Hadza move camp for a number of
reasons. Conflict is resolved primarily by leaving camp, and camps frequently
split for this reason. Camps are abandoned when someone falls ill and dies, as
illness is associated with the place they fell ill. There is also seasonal
migration between dry-season refuges, better hunting grounds while water is
more abundant, and areas with large numbers of tubers or berry trees when they
are in season. If a man kills a particularly large animal such as a giraffe far
from home, a camp will temporarily relocate to the kill site (smaller animals
are brought back to the camp). Shelters can be built in a few hours, and most of
the possessions owned by an individual can be carried on their backs.
Having no tribal or governing hierarchy,
the Hadza trace descent bilaterally (through paternal and maternal lines), and
almost all Hadza can trace some kin tie to all other Hadza people.
The Hadza are predominantly monogamous,
though there is no social enforcement of monogamy. After marriage, the
husband and wife are free to live where they decide, which may be with the
father or mother's family. This marital residence pattern is called
ambilocality, and is common among foragers. Specifically among Hadza, there is
a slightly higher frequency of married couples living with the mother's kin
rather than the father's kin. While men and women value traits such as
hard work when evaluating for partners, they also value physical
attractiveness. In fact, many of their preferences for attractiveness, such as
symmetry, averageness and
sexually dimorphic voice pitch are similar to preferences found in Western
nations.
A 2001 anthropological study on modern
foragers found the Hadza to have an average life expectancy of 33 at birth for
both men and women. Life expectancy at age 20 was 39 and the infant mortality
rate was 21%. More recently, Hadza adult have frequently lived into their
sixties, and some have even reached their seventies or eighties. However, it's
important to note that Hadza do not keep track of time and age exactly as the
Western world does, and therefore these life expectancies are approximate and
highly variable.
Subsistence
Two men returning from a hunt.
Hadza men usually forage individually, and
during the course of the day usually feed themselves while foraging, and also
bring home some honey, fruit, or wild game when available. Women forage in
larger parties, and usually bring home berries, baobab fruit, and tubers,
depending on availability. Men and women also forage cooperatively for honey
and fruit, and at least one adult male will usually accompany a group of
foraging women. During the wet season, the diet is composed mostly of honey,
some fruit, tubers, and occasional meat. The contribution of meat to the diet
increases in the dry season, when game become concentrated around sources of
water. During this time, men often hunt in pairs, and spend entire nights lying
in wait by waterholes, hoping to shoot animals that approach for a night-time
drink, with bows and arrows treated
with poison. The poison is made of the branches of the shrub Adenium coetaneum. The Hadza are
highly skilled, selective, and opportunistic foragers, and adjust their diet
according to season and circumstance. Depending on local availability, some
groups might rely more heavily on tubers, others on berries, others on meat.
This variability is the result of their opportunism and adjustment to
prevailing conditions.
Traditionally, the Hadza do not make use of
hunting dogs, although this custom has been recently borrowed from neighboring
tribes to some degree. Most men (80%+) do not use dogs when foraging.
Women's foraging technology includes
the digging stick,
grass baskets for carrying berries, large fabric or skin pouches for carrying
items, knives, shoes, other clothing, and various small items held in a pouch
around the neck. Men carry axes, bows, poisoned and non-poisoned arrows,
knives, small honey pots, fire drills, shoes and apparel, and various
small items.
While men specialize in procuring meat,
honey, and baobab fruit, women specialize in tubers, berries, and greens. This
division of labor is rather apparent, but women will occasionally gather a
small animal or egg, or gather honey, and men will occasionally bring a tuber
or some berries back to camp.
A myth depicts a woman harvesting the honey
of wild bees, and at the same time, it declares that the job of honey
harvesting belongs to the men. For harvesting honey or fruit from large
trees such as the baobab, the Hadza beat
pointed sticks into the trunk of the tree as ladders. This technique is
depicted in a tale, and it is also documented in film.
There exists a dynamic relationship of
mutualism and manipulation between a wild bird, the Greater honeyguide (Indicator
indicator) and the Hadza. In order to obtain wax, the bird guides people
to the nests of wild bees (i.e. Apis mellifera). Hadza men whistle, strike
trees, and sometimes shout to attract and keep the attention of the
honeyguide. The bird also calls to attract the honey-hunter, using a
distinctive chatter. Once the honey-hunter has located the bee nest, he uses
smoke to subdue the bees, and his axe to chop into the tree and open the bee
nest. The honey hunter eats or carries away most of the liquid honey, and the
honeyguide consumes beeswax that may be left adhering to the tree, or which has
been spit out or otherwise discarded at the site of acquisition. In many cases,
instead of actively feeding the honeyguide, Hadza men burn, bury, or hide the
wax that remains at the harvest site, in order to keep the honeyguide hungry,
and more likely to guide again. The honeyguide also appears in Hadza
mythology, both in naturalistic and personified forms. Honey represents
a substantial portion of the Hadza diet (~10-20% of calories) and is an
important food for many hunter-gatherer societies living in the
tropics. The increased consumption of bee products contributed to an
improvement in the energy density of the human diet during evolution.
Religion, myths, and tales
Religion
While the Hadza certainly have cosmologies
and myths they believe in and pass on from generation to generation, they are
generally not characterized as having a formal, complex religion. This is
because they don't have places of worship, religious leaders, gods, idols,
belief in an afterlife, or frequent religious meetings, and so compared to the
major world religions (e.g. Christianity, Islam, Judaism), they lack a formal
religion. However, they do still practice certain rituals which hold
significance in their culture. The main ritual is the epeme dance
and epeme meat eating.
Epeme
Epeme can be understood as the Hadza's
concept of manhood, hunting, and the relationships between sexes.
"True" adult men are called epeme men, which they
become by killing large game, usually in their early 20s. Being an epeme comes
with an advantage - only epeme men are allowed to eat certain
parts of large game animals, such as warthog, giraffe, buffalo, wildebeest, and
lion. The parts of these animals that are typically considered epeme are
the kidney, lung, heart, neck, tongue, and genitals. Also, no one besides
other epeme men are allowed to be present for the epeme meat-eating.
If a man still has not killed a large game animal by his thirties, he will
automatically be considered epeme and will be allowed to eat
the epeme meat.
In addition to eating epeme meat,
the epeme men participate in an epeme dance.
This dance occurs every night when the moon isn't visible, and must occur in
complete darkness. One man dances at a time, wearing a black cape,
ostrich-feather headdress, and bells around his ankles, as the women watch. The
man will stamp his foot to provide a beat, shake a gourd maraca, and sing.
After a few rounds of this performance, the women will get up and sing and
dance around the man. After one man goes, he gives the dressings to another man
and the dance repeats.
Mythological
figures with celestial connotations
There are some mythological figures who are
believed to take part in arranging the world, for example rolling the sky and
the earth like two sheets of leather and swapping their order to achieve the
recent situation – in the past the sky used to locate under the earth. These
figures also have made crucial decisions about the animals and humans
(designating their food, environment), giving people the fire and the
capability of sitting. These figures have celestial connotations: Ishoko
is a solar figure, Haine is a lunar figure.
Ishoko
("sun")
The character "Ishoye" seems to
be Ishoko. She is depicted in some tales as someone who created animals,
even people. Her creatures included also some people who later turned out
to be a disaster for their fellow people (the man-eating giant and his wife):
as Ishoko saw this, she killed the man-eaters: "you are not people any
longer".
Uttering Ishoko's name can mean a greeting,
a good wish to someone for a successful hunt.
Ishoko is the wife of Haine.
Roles
of a culture hero
The
man who returned from the grave to become a hero
Indaya, the man who went to the Isanzu territory after his death and
returned, plays the role of a culture hero: he introduces customs and goods
to the Hadza.
Isanzu
people
The Isanzu people neighbor the Hadza. Unlike
the Iraqw and the
cattle-raiding Maasai (who
used to lead raids towards Isanzu and Iramba through Hadza territory),
the hoe-farming Isanzu are regarded as a peaceful
people by Hadza. Moreover, many goods and customs comes from them, and the
Hadza myths mention and depict this benevolent influence of the Isanzu. This
advantageous view about Isanzu makes the role of this people comparable to that
of a culture hero in Hadza folklore.
Also in some of the mythical stories about
giants, it is an Isanzu man who liberates the Hadza from the malevolent giant.
Stories
about giants
The stories about giants describe people
with superhuman strength and size, but otherwise with human weaknesses (they
have human needs, eat and drink, they can be poisoned or cheated).
Sengani
and his brothers
One of the giants, Sengani, was Haine's
helper, and Haine gave him power to rule over people. In Haine's absence, the
giant endangered people with his decisions. The people had to resist him, thus
the giant ordered the lions to attack people, which surprised people, because
formerly lions were regarded as harmless beings. The people killed the giant in
revenge.
This giant had brothers, Ssaabo and
Waonelakhi. Several tales describe the disaster these giants caused to Hadza by
constantly killing, beating them. The Hadza had to ask for help from
neighboring groups, finally, the giants were tricked and poisoned, or shot to
death by arrows treated with poison.
Man-eating
giant
A man-eating giant, "!esengego"
(and his family) was killed by a benevolent snake. The snake turned out to be
the remedy applied by Ishoko to liberate people. Ishoko changed the corpses of
the giant family into leopards. He prohibited them to attack people, except for
the case they would be provoked or wounded by an arrow.
!Hongongoschá
Another giant, !Hongongoschá, played the
role of a mythological figure. He did not bother the Hadza (except for some
smaller thefts done secretly at night). His nourishment was flowers of trees
(and stolen vegetables). People greeted him with great respect, and the giant
wished them good hunting luck, which was indeed realized. The giant provided
further his good will to people even after he was hurt deliberately by a boy,
but he took a fatal revenge on the boy. Finally, the god Haine decided about
the fate of this giant and the people: he warned people, revealed the
malevolent deed of the boy, and changed the giant into a big white clam.
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